Over the past few days, a couple people have politely pointed out to me that I promised another post on Bill 44. The more impatient ones have pointed out that it was promised to appear last Thursday evening! For this, I apologize. Life did that thing to me, you know, the thing where it interferes with your best-laid plans after tricking you into thinking they would somehow work. In any case, I’ve decided to spend my first free evening in a while laying down my final thoughts on Bill 44 before everyone forgets what Bill 44 was and why we cared about it!
From the beginning, it seemed that rhetoric on Bill 44 was sharply polarized into two absolutist camps, and little changed throughout the debates. For the opposition, Bill 44 was a bill about gay rights, and to go against it seemed to imply that you were in support of institutionalized homophobia. For the government, Bill 44 was a bill about parental rights, and to go against it seemed to imply that you had no respect for the important role a parent plays in their child’s education. Rob Anderson, MLA for Airdrie-Chestermere, articulated this particular message quite clearly.
“I think it’s… disgusting that a parent’s tolerance in education can be called into question because they believe that, frankly, they would like to teach their kids in a home setting about these very sensitive topics… I think I can give a balanced education to my children on those things, and I believe I can do so in a nonbigoted and completely tolerant way. So I don’t need people [in the opposition] telling me that I’m some kind of uneducated moron. Effectively, that’s what this debate has been.”
I’m not going to talk about “what this debate has been.” Third reading has come and passed, and the time to talk about the politics of Bill 44 has gone with it. I’m not going to talk about the legal morass this bill invites upon our public education system either. Ken Chapman’s post does an excellent job of covering that topic, for those who are interested. Instead, I’m going to talk about what this debate means – I’m going to talk about the negative impact this bill will have on the advancement of sexual tolerance in our province.
My concerns with Bill 44 do not follow from any denial that a parent has the right to involve themselves in their child’s education. Nor do they follow from any belief that the state should have the ultimate authority over the education of its youngest citizens. That position would be absurd and untenable, and I certainly have no problem with enshrining the parent’s right to opt their children out of instruction on specific topics. I should point out that, ideally, I would prefer to see this right enshrined into the legislation that pertains to education (in our province, the School Act) although the idea of recognizing this concept in human rights legislation does not leave me chilled. The important issue here, no matter where this right is recognized, is that it appears in a form that is properly balanced against other fundamental rights. There is where Bill 44 fails. The way in which parental rights in education have been conceptualized in this bill threatens the fabric of this province’s human rights regime. Our government has gotten the balance completely wrong.
Section 9 of this bill, which now finds itself in the Human Rights Act of Alberta as the newly added Section 11.1, recognizes the parent’s right to opt their child out of “courses of study, educational programs or instructional materials” that “include subject-matter that deals primarily and explicitly with… sexual orientation.” At first glance, this little clause might seem rather innocuous. Some might feel that the same principles that allow opt-outs for sexual education should apply here. Indeed, many have made that argument. That is what Mr. Anderson means when he refers to parents that “would like to teach their kids in a home setting about these very sensitive topics.”
Consider this scenario: A high school social studies teacher decides to show the class a movie as part of a unit about their rights as citizens and the importance of tolerance in diverse societies. The teacher chooses Milk, a 2008 bio-pic staring Sean Penn that recounts the story of Harvey Milk, the first openly gay man to be elected to public office in the United States. Sure, this teacher could have just as easily chosen Crash, or To Kill a Mockingbird, or, hell, Guess Who’s Coming to Dinner, but for whatever reason they did not. Now, it would be almost impossible to argue that Milk is not “instructional material” that deals “primarily and explicitly” with “sexual orientation”. For that matter, any class that attempted to teach gay rights or tolerance for minority sexual oritenations would fall under the purview of the new Section 11.1 for the very same reasons. Effectively, we now have a situation where a parent can remove their child from a class on a particular human right because they feel it to be a “sensitive topic”.
One axiom upon which our liberal democracy relies is that an individual’s liberties and rights extend as far as their neighbours’, as if there were some boundary formed where fundamental rights collide. This axiom allows us to demarcate these boundaries in a way that serves to moderate political behavior in a just and peaceful manner. My right to express myself freely, for instance, extends as far as my neighbour’s right to not be maligned based on their immutable characteristics. Or, to chose a more simplistic formulation of this principle, my right to extend my fist ends at my neighbour’s nose.
There is no boundary to be crossed, however, in educating someone on their rights and the rights of their fellow citizens. No citizen has the right to remain ignorant of the rights and liberties that moderate their society. This cannot be the case, otherwise rights would drift derelict, never taking root in the citizenry, never instilling them with the respect and tolerance required for truly liberal democracy. Would it be reasonable to allow me to extend my fist if I were permitted to ignore where my neighbour’s nose began, or to remain ignorant of the simple fact that such an action would be painful? Of course, this could not be considered reasonable. In fact, a great many would consider it criminally negligent. The principle that rights, and the boundaries between, must be known and understood is essential to our liberal society. Our MLAs recognize this principle. It’s what permits them to subject each other to views and values upon which there is fundamental disagreement in our legislature without driving any of them to give up their jobs.
Clearly, the changes brought by Bill 44 to our Human Rights Act have ignored this principle. Our government has made it a human right to remain ignorant of where our rights, not to mention the rights of others, begin and end. Sadly, this is not the only way in which the government has compromised human rights in our province with Bill 44.
Bill 44 has also allowed parental rights in education to undermine one the most fundamental principles in Canada’s rights regime: group recognition rights. Canada’s multiculturalism relies on the proper recognition of – not to mention respect for – difference. When a particular group’s difference from the whole is not recognized, their identity is denied social significance and, in turn, their group is refused dignity as a respected component of society. When a particular group’s difference from the whole is misrepresented, the effects are even worse; their identity takes on a false social significance. For any group in a multicultural society, being ignored is bad enough, but being misunderstood is far worse.
Unfortunately, this is precisely what Bill 44 does. It misrepresents minority sexual orientations and entrenches these misrepresentations and misunderstandings into our province’s human rights regime. It does this by acknowledging sexual orientation as a “sensitive topic” and by allowing the same principles that permit parental opt outs of instruction on sexual education to operate in the context of education about sexual orientation.
Now, I have no problems with the principle that recognizes the parent’s right to remove their child from sexual education. Human sexuality has both G-rated and R-rated components. The G-rated components of love and romance, for instance, are well covered in the curriculum. I’m sure many of us remember Romeo and Juliet or The Taming of the Shrew from high school English class. This instruction is accomplished without opt outs and without uproar. The R-rated components of human sexuality, on the other hand, are properly considered “sensitive topics”, and the parents are rightly permitted to excuse their children from instruction on human reproduction and sexual behaviour, for instance.
My problem with Bill 44 is that it fails to acknowledge this important distinction between G-ratings and R-ratings for minority sexual orientations. During debate on Bill 44, Dave Hancock, the Minister of Education, stated that “sexual orientation is part and parcel of human sexuality. In our mandated policy to school boards right now if they are teaching anything about human sexuality, they have to give notice to parents.” Clearly, the minister is not talking about Romeo and Juliet. He is talking about human reproduction, sexual behaviour, and the other sensitive, R-rated components. His suggestion that sexual orientation is “part and parcel” of these components carries troubling and insidious implications.
The act of subsuming sexual orientation – especially when, in the context of Bill 44, it has exclusively meant minority sexual orientations – within the R-rated aspects of human sexuality debases these sexual orientations. It transforms them into taboo subjects and shrouds them in vulgarity and lewdness. It denies them the capacity of romantic and familial love, and it reduces them to lustful fornication. Essentially, it denies these minority sexual orientations equivalency to the majority, and I’m sure the unfortunate irony that this bill’s explicit intent was to recognize this equivalency is lost on no one.
Those are my concerns with Bill 44. They have nothing to do with the principle that parents should have the right to involve themselves in their child’s education. They do not rely on a vision of public education where the state has ultimate authority over the education of its youngest citizens. I imagine you would be hard-pressed to find someone in support of this chalkboard totalitarianism.
Instead, my concerns are that Bill 44 has granted an individual the right to willfully ignore the rights of the fellow citizens. This cannot be a legitimate human right, and it should not have any place in our human rights legislation. To hold any value, rights must be known and understood. Those boundaries that moderate our society cannot serve their purpose unless all citizens know where they lie and appreciate why they exist.
Furthermore, Bill 44 misrepresents minority sexual orientations. If these sexual orientations are to truly receive the equivalency that allows for their inclusion in the prohibited grounds for discrimination, their differences from the majority must be properly recognized and properly respected. To allow complete ignorance of them on the false grounds that they are somehow entirely “part and parcel” of an R-rated curriculum denies them this recognition and this respect. It suggests that they are lewd, that they do not belong in public.
So, my concerns with Bill 44 are not, to borrow the words of Mr. Anderson, that “uneducated morons” with be unable “to teach their kids in a home setting about these very sensitive topics” in a “nonbigoted and completely tolerant way.” No, the reality is that calling the entirety of any sexual orientation a “sensitive topic” is tantamount to intolerance itself. My concerns with Bill 44 are that it has introduced a dangerous conceptualization of parental rights in education into our Human Rights Act. It has destroyed the balance and eroded the boundaries between two fundamental sets of rights, and it has done this in a way that leaves me deeply concerned for the advancement of sexual tolerance in Alberta.